Despite the disappointment with positions taken by some Arab and Muslim states, it's crucial not to succumb to Israeli propaganda that seeks to divert accountability for the crime of genocide in Gaza. International law stipulates clear obligations for the occupying power to protect lives, which Israel has ignored. On top of that, Israel has deliberately barred international officials, including the Secretary-General of the United Nations and other independent dignitaries or observers from entering the Gaza Strip.
The Zionist regime's plea to the International Court of Justice attempts to downplay the severity of its actions before the highest international judicial institution. It not only seeks to distract attention but also aims to erode trust between the Palestinians and their regional counterparts. This effort, though seemingly irrational, seeks to sabotage Palestine-Arab relations, capitalizing on prevailing negative perceptions of the neighbouring Arab states seen as abandoning their support for Gaza but participating in its siege. Despite this, it is crucial to remain aware of the reality of the Zionist discourse and its motive in obstructing justice for Palestinians before the ICJ.
During the attack on Gaza, Zionist forces crossed the Egyptian border, blocking entry of any aid to civilians in the besieged Gaza Strip. The Rafah crossing is not the sole entry point for Gaza; there are four other crossings under full Zionist control, all completely closed in line with the War Council’s decision to prevent fuel, water, medicine and food from reaching the Gaza Strip.
In this regard, it is essential for all concerned parties to practically refute Israel's claims, whether regarding Egypt's stance on the border or the classification of Hamas as a 'terrorist' group by Arab countries. The direct way to achieve this is by immediately implementing the resolutions of the Arab-Islamic Extraordinary Summit to lift the siege on Gaza and support Egypt in mitigating the Israeli aggression on the Gaza Strip.
Another important thing to consider is the bigger context of the total war waged by the occupying regime against the Palestinian people in the West Bank, Jerusalem and the territories of 1948. This is evident from the fact that the "Tufan Al-Aqsa (al-Aqsa Flood)" operation has become the battle of the whole nation, as indicated by the military spokesman of the Al-Qassam Brigades, Abu Ubaidah. Therefore, efforts to address the internal affairs of the “Palestinian house” are considered an obligation for both the national objective and the Arab countries. This includes restoring Palestinian authority to ensure that the resistance factions become integral to Palestinian legitimacy and unify the Palestinian vision in handling the conflict.
This can be done by linking the ceasefire to a clear political agreement accepted by all Palestinian parties. This is important to confront the project of the war criminal Benjamin Netanyahu that aims to accomplish another Palestinian Nakba, supported by an international coalition. This support, though unannounced, can be deduced from hundreds of statements by Israeli officials as well as field reports from the battlefield.
Another strategy is to exploit the momentum of global support from various state officials and empathetic people towards the Palestinians as a historic opportunity to establish a Palestinian state in accordance with international law and reversing the results sought by the most far-right Zionists in the history of the occupying Zionist regime.
In this context, it must be noted that managing the internal Palestinian impasse is not something that can be postponed until the war is over. In fact, the situation now does not seem to be near the ending, with the possibility of it taking going on to a new stage. Rather, it must be seen as a necessity for dealing with the conflict, preventing the plans of the Zionist warmongers, as well as shortening the time frame of the war itself and developing a comprehensive national response to deal with the positive repercussions post-October 7. For instance, Israel has been brought before the highest international court on charges of committing genocide. This carries the potential benefits that could enhance the political and legal position of the Palestinians, as well as advance the Palestinian narrative of the conflict at the global stage. At the same time, the national capacity should be improved to overcome the potential negative consequences on the future of the Palestinian cause and regional security.
There is also a need to distinguish between the heroic and honourable actions of the resistance and the nature of the war as well as the Zionists’ main objectives in it. The Zionist regime considers this an existential war, claiming it as the 'Second War of Independence', or the 'Second Nakba War' for the Palestinians. It aims to expel altogether the displaced population and to occupy the lands. Although the media tends to portray high expectations of the resistance, based on its creativity and undeniable bravery of its fighters, we have reached a crucial aspect of the conflict. The strategic aspect of the aggression against the Gaza Strip goes beyond direct military tactics and thus requires a more comprehensive view and assessment.
It needs to take into account the influence of international powers on the balance of power in the wider theatre of war and towards its final outcome, especially after what happened in Gaza. According to the statements of the occupation leaders, it has become an 'international issue' that goes beyond even the regime's own calculations. Any impact of these calculations requires a relatively long time, as well as regional and international alliances, and engagement in the military effort in favour of the resistance. This is what was hoped by the Palestinian resistance with the launch of the Tufan Al-Aqsa operation, but unfortunately the initial responses to this operation did not achieve the desired purpose, that is to alter the political and military balance vis-à-vis the occupying regime, mainly with complicit support from most Western countries for the occupier.
Hence, the tactical successes achieved by the resistance in the battlefield need to be analysed in terms of strategic and political data to be included as a new element in the calculation. For instance, the power demonstrated by the Palestinian resistance throughout this conflict demands its integration into the transitional Palestinian leadership. It must be done within the framework of the Palestine Liberation Organization as the moral home of the Palestinians and the internationally recognized political and legal platform until comprehensive Palestinian elections are held. This step - unifying the Palestinian references and vision - is a prerequisite for mobilizing regional and international support for the demands of the Palestinian people to achieve their freedom and independence. This can be done whether through international institutions or through holding a regional or international conference to recognize the establishment of a Palestinian state in accordance with all relevant international resolutions and agreements instead of the unjust, cruel propositions from the so-called Quartet or “international community”.
It is worth considering as well that the humanitarian course and reconstruction efforts will be as important and dangerous a task as the war itself. This requires emergency management with a consensual Palestinian Authority to prevent the imposition of a regional or international custody over the Gaza Strip. It is imperative for Palestinians to be prepared to deal with this humanitarian challenge with a patriotic spirit, and to avert short-term domestic solutions.
The confluence and interdependence of these paths will force the enemy and its allies to reconsider both the declared and undeclared objectives of the war, given the imbalance in their estimations of the unexpected course and outcome of the war. The enemy aims to expel the majority of Palestinian people from historical Palestine while ensuring the continuation of its colonial settlement project for decades to come. Additionally, it strives to completely obliterate the notion of a Palestinian state by undermining and delegitimizing Palestinian institutions. This is achieved through the stigmatization of the national identity of Palestinians, associating them with terrorism or exacerbating divisive factors. These tactics aim to obstruct any opportunity for Palestinians to unify and build consensus, hindering their ability to establish a political identity based on their aspirations for freedom, independence and restoration that is recognized both regionally and globally.
These days, the conviction that has begun to take shape is that the strengthening of the national security of regional and global actors will only be possible by fulfilling the demands of the Palestinian people to establish their independent state. Primarily, it is imperative to contain the ongoing conflict to prevent its escalation into a regional war. None of these regional and global powers want a wider war in the region. Moreover, they are apprehensive about the potential fallout of the current war, foreseeing severe impact on their own national security and the looming risk of widespread chaos in the area.
In sum, continuing the war led by the extreme far-right Zionist regime under the "Resolve Plan" poses a heightened risk of chaos that could destabilize the region. Coordinated regional action is crucial to halt the war and prevent its expansion, as Benjamin Netanyahu pursues his personal agendas in a zero-sum battle with the Palestinians. While there have been efforts, such as the response from the Committee of Seven at the Arab and Islamic Extraordinary Summit in Riyadh, the impact on the war's course remains insufficient. Therefore, it is up to the Palestinian people and the regional powers supporting them to end the war, thwart plans of extermination and displacement, and foster confidence in the future. By consolidating their strength against the Zionist agenda, they can shape their own destiny, achieve national goals of freedom and independence, and contribute to building a stable regional system aligned with the will and aspirations of the countries and peoples of the region.
Written by: Sadiq Abu Amir, Head of the Palestinian Dialogue Group
(Translated from original Arabic article: Muqārabāt al-Waḥdah al-Waṭaniyyah wa Ta‘zīz al-Thiqah al-Iqlīmiyyah)
Published: 08 March 2024, IAIS Malaysia.